"Posterity will owe everlasting thanks to John Brown for lifting up once more to the gaze of a nation grown fat and flabby on the garbage of lust and oppression, a true standard of heroic philanthropy, and each coming generation will pay its installment of the debt. . . . John Brown saw slavery through no mist or cloud, but in a light of infinite brightness, which left no one of its ten thousand horrors concealed." Frederick Douglass

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Wednesday, September 05, 2018

Swann Galleries Will Auction Wm H. Johnson's "On a John Brown Flight"

The New York-based Swann Auction Galleries, will be holding a sale of African American fine art on October 4, 2018.  (Browse a digital catalogue here.)  The sale features a wonderful offering of paintings, prints, and photographs for collectors with budgets for such things.
William H. Johnson
(Photo from Biography)
What caught your blogger's eye, however, was a particular work by William H. Johnson, who died in April 1970 at about sixty-nine years of age.  According to an article on the black art and culture website, Abri Art and Culture, Johnson was born in Florence, South Carolina in 1901 but moved to New York City at seventeen years of age.  He is marginally associated with the Harlem Renaissance, perhaps because with one exception, during that period he did not choose African Americans as subjects in his work, except for a portrait of his teenage brother done in 1930.  In "Remembering William H. Johnson: A Forgotten Harlem Renaissance Artist," it is stated:
Given that the [Harlem] Renaissance artists were wedded to W.E.B. DuBois’ idea of art as propaganda as well as Langston Hughes’ belief that Negro art ought not only be about Negro people but also should include the Negro working class in rural environments as subjects, it is no wonder that Johnson, like [Henry O.] Tanner, has escaped canonization as a Harlem Renaissance artist.
It was only after Johnson had traveled and studied abroad and returned to the United States, that apparently he began to portray black culture in the United States.  He was a multi-media artist, employing woodcuts, oil, water colors, pen and ink, and  serigraphy [silk screening]. The author states that Johnson’s work "beginning in 1938 and spanning the entire decade of the 40s" embodies the prevalent aesthetics of the earlier Harlem Renaissance--bolder primary colors, larger surfaces, and African American rural folk as well as historical figures like Marian Anderson, George Washington Carver, and including John Brown. 

"A John Brown Flight," which Johnson produced around 1945, is one of a small number of impressions that he prepared in screen prints.  The Smithsonian American Art Museum has another copy of this impression in its collection, as also does The Library of Congress collection and the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. (The Metropolitan Museum of Art also has a copy but it is not currently displayed on their website.)  

The scene it portrays is familiar to John Brown students, his famous liberation trek that began when he liberated eleven enslaved people from two different slaveholders in Missouri in December 1858, sequestered the fugitives for a number of weeks in a hideout in the Kansas territory, and then escorted them through Nebraska and across the country through Iowa then by rail to Chicago, Illinois.  There, with the assistance of the proto-secret serviceman, Allen Pinkerton, Brown put the fugitives secretly on the railroad bound for Detroit.  At Detroit the fugitives were placed on the ferry that crossed the Detroit River to Canadian freedom.  It was this successful overland trek that affirmed John Brown in his resolve that similar bold, armed-but-defensive measures could be carried out within the belly of slavery itself.

Jacob Lawrence, No. 16 from "The Legend of John Brown"
The trek was captured quite differently by Johnson's contemporary, Jacob Lawrence (1917-2000) as part of his twenty-two part series, "The Legend of John Brown."  The particular image is No. 16., subtitled: "In spite of a price on his head, John Brown in 1859 liberated twelve negroes from a Missouri plantation."  This originals of this series are described as having been done in gouache on white wove paper.  Obviously, rather than portraying the liberated people, Lawrence chose to insinuate them in the picture by showing many footprints in the snow, some traces of blood (suggesting either their suffering as enslaved people or the rigors of this hard winter trek, which included pursuit by marshals--remembering that Brown undertook this effort in defiance of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law).  

The only other artistic portrayal of this episode  in John Brown's story that I am aware of is found in a mural series in the Torrington, Connecticut, post office.  Torrington, of course, was the site of Brown's birth in 1800.  The murals, made by Arthur Covey in the New Deal era, were displayed in the old Torrington Post Office, but are now displayed in the new post office in town.  Apparently, Covey, like Johnson, were financed in their work by the Work Projects Administration of the New Deal.

Arthur Covey, "Episodes in the Life of John Brown"
(The Living New Deal)

Of the three, Covey's work is the most idealistic and stylized--pleasant pastels make the picture warm, with heavenly light bursting through the clouds, and John Brown marching ahead of his liberated friends, with his rifle on his shoulder--he looks back as if to encourage the party, but his left hand moves forward toward freedom.  This is quite in contrast with Lawrence's image of Brown bringing up the rear, stooped forward to accent the motion, while the entire picture is absent of a human face.  Of the two, Lawrence's image is the most dramatic and evocative of the harsh circumstances of that trek.  

On the other hand, Johnson's and Covey's images share similarities.  Johnson's version of Brown also bears a rifle on his shoulder, but looks forward as he points toward freedom.  In both images, there are armed black men, a wagon, and a woman with a young baby.  The latter is part of the historical incident, because an infant actually was born during the sojourn, so twelve entered freedom in Canada in March 1859 under Brown's solemn escort.  Johnson's portrayal of the liberated blacks is done in the style of folk art/primitivism, but most of them stare outward, as if to communicate with the viewer.  In contrast, while Covey's portrayal of the liberated people seems more lifelike, they are entirely part of the story, focused upon Brown almost sacred image.--LD

Below is the profile of Johnson's "On a John Brown Flight" from Swann's website:

Sale 2487 Lot 28
WILLIAM H. JOHNSON (1901 -1970) 
On a John Brown Flight

Color screenprint and pochoir on tan wove paper, circa 1945. Approximately 406x610 mm; 15 3/4x24 inches. Signed in ink, lower right. 

Provenance: Annie Davis, New York and Savannah, GA; gifted to a private collection, Savannah, GA. Inscribed with the artist's name, title, and a Harmon Foundation inventory number in ink, upper right verso. 

On a John Brown Flight is a very scarce example of an important print. While living in New York in the early 1940s, William H. Johnson printed a handful of proof impressions from his screenprints, depicting colorful images of both the rural South and of Harlem. Out of the 17 known screenprint images Johnson made in a short period of the early 1940s, On a John Brown Flight is the only image of an American historical figure, and is the largest of any of his prints. Johnson also painted a gouache and pencil version of this subject, and a heroic image of the Abolitionist leader in the 1945 oil John Brown Legend; both are in the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum. 

This is the only the second impression of this print to come to auction - an unsigned impression was sold at Swann Galleries on February 13, 2014. We have located only four impressions of On a John Brown Flight in the following public collections: the Library of Congress, the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Art, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the Smithsonian Institution. These were experimental and painterly prints, using both screens and pochoir (hand-colored stencils) - each impression has a slightly different registration.

Estimate $50,000 - 75,000

Thursday, August 23, 2018

Osawatomie Notebook: John Brown, Cool-Headed in Crisis

The Battle of New Georgia was a raid led reluctantly by John Brown on New Georgia, a nascent community that was constructed three miles west of Osawatomie. The raid took place on Aug. 7, 1856, and it was one of the triggering events for the Battle of Osawatomie on Aug. 30, 1856.

Pro-slavery advocates under the leadership of Jefferson Buford had established a pro-slavery community three miles west of Osawatomie in 1856. They used their nascent community as a base for pro-slavery guerilla operations against free state advocates in the area exactly like free state advocates were using Osawatomie as a base for abolitionist guerilla operations against pro-slavery advocates in the area.

John Brown was aware of the presence of New Georgia, but he had advised against attacking the pro-slavery settlement due to his belief that if abolitionist guerilla fighters attacked the pro-slavery community, it would be the excuse that pro-slavery forces were looking for to attack Osawatomie.

However, many of the young, hotheaded abolitionist guerillas that had made Osawatomie their base of operations rejected John Brown’s cautionary warnings of the military and political inadvisability of attacking New Georgia. John Brown agreed to lead the attack on New Georgia to keep the more violent and impetuous young abolitionist guerilla fighters from committing excesses during the attack.

The abolitionist guerilla fighters surprised the pro-slavery guerillas and settlers of New Georgia completely, and they scattered to pro-slavery camps and communities in Kansas Territory and western Missouri with tales of being feloniously attacked by John Brown and a group of fiendish abolitionist guerilla fighters, which was the final straw for the pro-slavery leaders in western Missouri and Kansas Territory.

John Brown and Osawatomie had to be neutralized, and pro-slavery forces began to gather and arm themselves to attack Osawatomie and other free state communities. John Brown was indeed correct in his unheeded warnings, and the Battle of New Georgia was the final spark that caused the Battle of Osawatomie on Aug. 30, 1856.

John Brown is often portrayed as a violent fanatic who had no self-discipline about him, but the reality is that he was often the moderate abolitionist voice amongst a chorus of extremist abolitionist guerillas.

John Brown is often portrayed as a violent fanatic who had no self-discipline about him, but the reality is that he was often the moderate abolitionist voice amongst a chorus of extremist abolitionist guerillas. Brown often had to restrain the out-of-control martial spirit of abolitionist guerillas who wanted to shoot first and ask questions later when encountering pro-slavery advocates and guerillas. It’s a facet of his personality largely overlooked in history books.

John Brown was certainly a militant abolitionist guerilla, but he did not participate in gratuitous impulsive violence. He only attacked militant pro-slavery advocates or those who were supplying militant pro-slavery advocates with supplies or legally protected them. When Brown did engage in violence, it was planned in advance, and calculated for the greatest psychological effect on pro-slavery advocates, not only in Kansas, but nationwide.

John Brown was considered a leader in the militant abolitionist movement because he was cool-headed in a crisis, unlike many of the young militant abolitionists who were prone to shoot first and ask questions later.--Grady Atwater

Source: "John Brown Reluctantly Led the Battle of New Georgia," The Miami County Republic [Paola, Kan.], 22 August 2018

Grady Atwater is site administrator of the John Brown Museum and State Historic Site, Osawatomie, Kansas.

Thursday, August 09, 2018

When Frederick Douglass Met John Brown in Springfield

John Brown enthusiasts are all acquainted with the important autobiographical reflections of the Old Man provided by Frederick Douglass in his last autobiography, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, published in 1881 (revised in 1892) when Douglass was advanced in years. 

Among the interesting points explored by historians is the matter of Douglass’ much-quoted visit to John Brown’s home in Springfield, Massachusetts.  In his autobiography, Douglass wrote that visit to the Brown household took place in 1847.  It does seem to be the case that Brown met Douglass in Springfield in 1847.  In fact, Brown wrote to John Junior on May 15, 1847, saying he was “in hourly expectation of a visit from Fred Douglas [sic].”1 Assuming this meeting took place in Springfield, it is the first record of their eventful alliance.  However, if Douglass dined with Brown that day, it was not with Mary Brown and the children as Douglass recalled in his autobiography. In May 1847, Mary and the children were still residing in Akron, Ohio, at their residence on the Perkins estate.  Apparently, she did not come to Springfield until mid-July that year.2   It may be that Brown fixed a meal for Douglass in his residence, but it seems more likely that Douglass was conflating his memories of meetings with Brown in Springfield in 1847 and 1848.

Since there is no evidence that Douglass was back in Springfield for the rest of 1847, and since the Browns moved to a number of places in Springfield before settling on Hastings Street, named by Douglass, the actual dinner with the Brown family he describes in his autobiography could not have been any earlier than his visit in February 1848.  The late historian Benjamin Quarles first noted that Douglass visited Springfield twice in 1848, the dates of which he found in Douglass’s paper, The North Star.  Those visits took place on October 29 and November 18, 1848.3   The dinner with Mary and the children must certainly have taken place on one of these two 1848 dates. 

The conflation of his visits to Brown in Springfield most likely was an issue of memory, although elsewhere in his third autobiography, Douglass used conflation probably with intentionality.   As I have written elsewhere, Douglass tends to conflate a number of meetings with Brown in 1859 in the Chambersburg quarry episode, which he says took place a few weeks before the Harper’s Ferry raid, although in actuality it took place in August 1859.   Douglass does not reveal meetings that took place in Detroit in March 1859, with Brown and black abolitionists from Detroit and Chatham, Ontario, nor his meeting with Brown in Philadelphia in October 1859.  His opposition to the invasion of Harper’s Ferry proper was an issue that overshadowed the two friends for most of 1859, although Douglass found it expedient to present the issue as a single disagreement in the fall of 1859.  I have taken this up in both John Brown—The Cost of Freedom and in Freedom’s DawnThe Last Days of John Brown in Virginia.--LD


            1 John Brown to John Brown Jr., May 15, 1847, Kohns Collection, New York Public Library, New York, N.Y.
            2 John Brown to Ruth Brown Thompson, September 1, 1847, in Sanborn, Life and Letters of John Brown, 144-45, which give a sense of the details of the move and setting up house in Springfield.
            3 See Benjamin Quarles, Frederick Douglass (New York: DeCapo Press, 1997), 170, n. 2.  

Monday, July 23, 2018

The Hinton and Randall Letters of Dec. 1, 1859: Two Theories

John Brown was sentenced to death in a Virginia court on November 1, 1859 and might have been rushed to the gallows that same week, although his attorneys found reasons to have his execution delayed until the beginning of December.  In the few weeks between Brown’s sentencing and execution, he reached the height of his celebrity in the North, while the South was grinding its teeth in outrage and anxiety over Brown’s invasion and the fear that more abolitionist assaults would soon follow.  Of course, nothing of the kind took place, although the South was—in a sense—struck by a second blow from Brown, in the great impact of his letter writing and correspondence from jail, much of which went quickly into the press.
It is an interesting point that Brown’s captors refused any photographic image of Brown being recorded during his incarceration, no doubt as an act of spite toward the North.  Yet his captors were strangely liberal toward Brown with regard to his correspondence.  Although the Prosecutor Andrew Hunter carefully examined Brown’s incoming and outgoing letters, the number of Brown’s letters that went out to the world is a little surprising, given Virginia’s posture of banning northern reporters unless they were explicitly proslavery or sympathetic to the South.  I have endeavored to engage these themes in my two books, Freedom’s Dawn: The Last Days of John Brown in Virginia and John Brown Speaks: Letters and Statements from Charlestown (both Rowman & Littlefield, 2015).

In the process of preparing these works, especially in gathering and editing Brown’s jailhouse letters, I noticed something interesting about two letters that were among the last Brown wrote before his execution.  The brief letters are apparently written on half-sheets and are virtually identical in wording and format, and both are dated as December 1, 1859—the day before Brown’s hanging.  To my knowledge, none of the Brown biographers have made note of these two letters being so similar and I became aware of them only because of my John Brown letter research.  As already noted in John Brown Speaks, the letters are written to Harriet Oviatt Randall, an old family friend from Ohio, and Richard J. Hinton, the English journalist that Brown got to know during his time in “Bleeding Kansas.”

Richard J. Hinton
The former was married to a clergyman and living in Ohio at the time of Brown’s raid at Harper’s Ferry.  Hinton traveled from the Kansas Territory in the fall of 1859, his movement eastward having been documented by a Virginia spy working in the service of Governor Henry Wise.  Hinton seems to have been drawn eastward by rumors of a plan to liberate Brown, although any such notion of jailbreaking the Old Man was actually quite useless before the end of October.  Charlestown was steadily loaded with militia, ostensibly to prepare for an invasion by abolitionists, but in actuality more because Virginians actually were apprehensive of a slave revolt.  At any rate, the talk of rescuing John Brown proved only talk and by the time Brown wrote to Hinton, the latter could only follow Brown’s last days and hours through the New York Tribune, the only antislavery paper that managed to smuggle reports out of Virginia through an undercover journalist.

When I read and compared the letters to Randall and Hinton, it never occurred to me that either of them could be a forgery.  My conclusion, then and now, is that both letters are (probably quite hurriedly) written in Brown’s hand with the exact heading, content, and nonspecific greeting (“My Very Dear friend”).   In John Brown Speaks, I suggest the reason these letters are virtually identical is because they were handwritten “form letters.”  In other words, I believe Brown wrote them in advance, intending to answer letters from particular people—like old friends and associates, and it is quite possible there were more of these “form letters” sent on December 1, although they may have not survived or have become inaccessible in a private collection.  The most obvious reason that Brown would have dashed off some nonspecific “form letters” is that he was running out of time and had a great deal of correspondence to examine, sort, and answer.

It is not exaggerating to say that Brown received hundreds of letters.  A good many of these letters were screened and withheld by Prosecutor Andrew Hunter.  The letters that Hunter withheld either were freaky, extremely hostile and mean-spirited, or letters written by associates or self-proclaimed allies claiming (in code or otherwise) that his rescue was underway.   Notwithstanding there were a good many letters withheld, Brown received many more from strangers, associates, friends, and family, and he naturally tended to answer the latter.  The Old Man naturally “edited” the collection that he kept and passed on to his wife when she visited him on his final day in Virginia.  Most of these letters were scattered and lost, but a good many were transcribed and published by James Redpath in Echoes of Harper's Ferry (1860).   Many more letters never left the jailhouse because Brown burned them in his cell.  Most of the letters he destroyed apparently were requests for his autograph, given the celebrity he had attained in his last days.

In this light, Brown probably felt overwhelmed by the amount of correspondence that came into his jail cell and was quite busy separating the several that he had time to answer before dying.  Anticipating that he would have to answer some late-coming letters, I believe he wrote out a template on some half-sheets and that these two letters, to Harriet Oviatt Randall and Richard J. Hinton, are examples.  The template reads:

Charle[s]town Prison, Jefferson Co., Va., 1st Dec. 1859.
My Very Dear friend
I can on[ly] say one word to Your most king letter of the            I trust
God is with me: “in very deed”.  May he ever be with you: & all yours.
Your Friend
John Brown
The originals of the letters to Randall and Hinton are held in notable Brown collections: the Randall letter is held in the Chicago History Museum and the Hinton letter is held in the Henry Huntington Library Collection, San Marino, Calif.

Boyd Stutler: "Rank Forgery"

At the time I made my own examination and drew these conclusions, I was not aware that Boyd B. Stutler, the “godfather of John Brown scholars,” had observed the similarity between the two letters and had drawn his own conclusions.  Of course, no John Brown scholars should ever be surprised to find Stutler’s fingerprints on even the most obscure topic in our study of the Old Man.   Over the years I have rarely found an issue that Stutler had not already addressed to some degree, and Stutler certainly had a theory about these letters—although quite different from mine.
Boyd B. Stutler

Stutler’s take on the letters was simply that Hinton’s letter is a forgery based upon the Randall letter.  In 1949, he wrote to James Goodwin of Toronto, discussing the fraudulent work of Canadian abolitionist, Alexander M. Ross.  Ross published (in two versions) a book about his association with John Brown, although Stutler exposed Ross posthumously as a complete fake and fraud.  There is no doubt that Stutler was correct since it is clear (and I’ve furthered his thesis with my own research) that Ross lied and defrauded the Brown family, and published supposed correspondence from Brown to him that actually did not exist.  Ross apparently did the same thing with Abraham Lincoln, and Stutler was the first to point this out to Canadian historians.

In his 1949 letter, after discussing Ross as one who “liked to shine in the light of reflected glory,” Stutler added that Richard Hinton was of the same stripe.  While admitting that Hinton indeed corresponded with Brown earlier, Stutler insisted that Brown’s letter of December 1, 1859 was “easily spotted as a rank forgery” based upon Brown’s letter to Harriet Oviatt Randall.  He insinuates that Hinton must have copied the letter to Randall because her letter was extant and, I suppose, was accessible to Hinton in perpetrating his alleged forgery (see Boyd B. Stutler to James C. Goodwin, May 15, 1949, RP11-0038D, Stutler Papers online).

I do not believe Stutler was correct in this conclusion although I understand why he made it.

First, Stutler believed that Hinton was not to be taken at face value as a historian.  To a different correspondent, Stutler wrote that Hinton “was unreliable, unstable and inconstant and his regard for the truth extended only to the ends that it would serve his own purpose” (Boyd B. Stutler to James C. Malin, July 26, 1940, RP10-0089H, Stutler Papers).   In other correspondence, Stutler referred to Hinton as a “special pleader” on behalf of Brown, and that he was unreliable and “generally inaccurate as to names, places and dates.”  His rule of thumb for reading Hinton was simply, “do not follow him except in cases where other evidence supports his statements” (Stutler to Norma Cuthbert, Apr. 15, 1948, RP05-0174E and Stutler to Victor Lauriston, Sept. 22, 1948, RP02-0202A).

Stutler knew his stuff, so his reading of Hinton should be taken seriously, and certainly he was correct.  Hinton (and James Redpath) were both associates of Brown in Kansas and both had a vested interest in defending him, even if it meant beautifying the sources with slight fabrication.  Stutler was correct in stating that Hinton should be used with caution as a source, although I think he has been too easily dismissed by contemporary historians precisely because he was a John Brown “pleader.” In other words, a good many 20th century writing found it convenient to dismiss John Brown's first biographers precisely because they were cynical toward Brown and wanted to diminish him. Even Stutler knew the value of Hinton’s writing, and that he could not be dismissed wholesale because he was an eyewitness, knew Brown, and was a participant in the stormy days of antebellum history.  I find Stutler’s suspicion of Hinton was tinged with contempt, some of it worthy and professional, and some perhaps due to Stutler’s own need to demonstrate his objectivity in the study in an era when the base line among many historians regarding Brown was quite negative.

Stutler’s rule of thumb, that one should not rely upon Hinton without supporting evidence, is just good historical sense.   There are moments when Hinton, Redpath, and Sanborn might be suspected of writing with an agenda to protect and lionize Brown (Hinton and Redpath both denied that the Old Man was present at the Pottawatomie killings).  But I still believe Stutler jumped to the wrong conclusion when it came to his charging Hinton with rank forgery in regard to the December 1 letter.

Contra Stutler

First, I believe Stutler’s own cynicism toward Hinton backfired in this case because Stutler himself did not follow his own rule.  Where is the evidence that Hinton somehow had procured the letter  to Randall and then made a meticulous forgery from it?   I am not aware that Brown’s short letter to Randall was ever published, and even if it were, Hinton would have needed more than a mere transcription to create the “forgery” that Stutler alleges.  Without evidence (some record of Hinton’s correspondence with Randall, etc.), Stutler offers only that Brown’s letter to Randall was extant during Hinton’s lifetime.  It is true that Katherine Mayo surveyed Brown’s letter to Randall in 1908-09, and made a transcription for Oswald G. Villard’s biographical work.  I do not know how Mayo learned of Randall’s letter; but until or unless evidence emerges that Hinton also knew of this letter and somehow obtained it, and then forged a copy of it, Stutler’s claim is thinly circumstantial at best.

Second, in light of other work he was doing at the time, Stutler’s feelings about Hinton may reflect cynicism toward other frauds, especially Alexander M. Ross.  Stutler knew and acknowledged that Hinton knew Brown and had correspondence with him, which was quite in contrast to Ross, the Canadian faker, who had built a reputation on the fraudulent claim of having been John Brown's intimate correspondent.  So I would suggest Stutler's conclusions about Hinton were partially spillover from the Ross affair.

In contrast, we know that Hinton did make an effort to come eastward from Kansas in late 1859 in response to Brown's capture and incarceration.   As I have documented, one of Governor Wise’s informants even met Hinton in St. Louis and spoke to him, reporting that Hinton “gloried” in being one of Brown’s men.  He even had Hinton’s personal card, which he passed on to Wise (John Brown Speaks, 92).  In light of this, it seems quite reasonable that Brown would have written to Hinton, particularly after when Hinton wrote to him using the pseudonym, Harrison.   This was typical Kansas practice among free state people (Brown himself used a number of pseudonyms), and it is likely that “Harrison” wrote to Brown and that Brown felt constrained to answer him on his last day of life.  This is what Hinton himself wrote on the verso side of Brown's letter to him, where he says that the letter was received by him in Boston on December 2, the day of Brown's execution.  I simply see no reason to doubt that he was telling the truth.

Verso side of Brown's letter to Hinton
(Henry Huntington Library Collection)
Thirdly, an examination of the two letters really makes it hard to understand why Stutler considered Hinton’s letter from Brown to be a “rank forgery.”  Indeed, were I to look at both letters without knowing which was written to Hinton, I would have concluded that the letter to Randall might be a forgery, because it is a more loosely scrawled version of Brown’s handwriting.  Between the two letters, the one to Hinton is slightly more typical of Brown’s usually pinched handwriting.  Nevertheless, I believe both are written by Brown and the handwriting of both looks to me as coming from the same writer.  Even the slight variations between the letters are “Brownian” (for example, compare the “9” in “1859,” in the headings of both letters, which are slightly varied but appears to be from the same writer).

Of course, one might yet raise questions about the letters.  Most notably, both letters have the same misspellings of “Charletown” (Charlestown) and “on” for “only.”  Wouldn’t these duplications of errors suggest one is a forgery of the other?   Possibly but not necessarily.  I have seen Brown use “on” for “only” in other letters too.  When one has become familiar with Brown’s letters, one begins to see certain patterns and tendencies in his writing overall.  For instance, one characteristic of Brown was to use the ampersand instead of “and”; “and” appears only rarely in Brown’s letters.  Another characteristic is that Brown’s vocabulary and spelling were uneven; he was a reader and had a decent vocabulary as a literate 19th century agrarian, typical of his time and place.   But his spelling and punctuation are peculiar in repetition.  Furthermore, it is not unreasonable to think that Brown deliberately wrote “on” for “only” as shorthand.   If one remembers that he was writing under duress given his fleeting hours of life, it is not surprising that he just dashed off “Charletown” without realizing it.

Finally, I believe the structure of these letters contains evidence that they were pre-written in anticipation of late-coming letters to be answered on his last day of life.  If one examines both letters, it is apparent that they were composed with a gap as such: “. . .your most kind letter of the __________”.   If Brown expected to answer some last-minute letters and had no time to write, it stands to reason that he may have made a number of handwritten copies with a gap where he could plug in the date of the letter he had received.   This is apparent in that both letters have Brown’s marker where the date was inserted (^).  In the case of his letter to Hinton, Brown even seems to have written the date over the text of his "form letter."

If we may discern anything else about these letters, I would suggest they show that both Randall and Hinton fell into a category of late-coming correspondents whom he felt deserved a personal response from him--but only a cordial line of farewell and signature.   Certainly, he made no answer to letters from strangers that may have come into his hands at the last minute.  Quite in contrast, Brown wrote a short but more personal letter on the same date to Edward Harris, an old wool associate from Rhode Island.  The letter to Harris is brief but personalized, no doubt because Harris had sent $100 in his “kind and comforting letter” of November 20, 1859 (see John Brown Speaks, 89-91).  Not only did Brown receive Harris’ letter sooner than those from Randall and Hinton, but the Old Man was overwhelmingly mindful of his family’s welfare just prior to his death, and so he was more likely to write a more personalized note to Harris.   The letters to Randall and Hinton show that Brown did not want to pass from this life without acknowledging them; yet he could not provide them with anymore than his little "form letter" offered.

As in many other things, there may be evidence to suggest otherwise.  I never take Boyd Stutler’s conclusions lightly and it is possible that we may yet find reason to strengthen Stutler's notion that that Hinton’s letter is a “rank forgery.”  But I do not believe so.   The images are provided for the reader to consider below (click on the image for complete view).  What do you think?—LD

Brown's letter to Richard Hinton, Dec. 1, 1859
(Henry Huntington Library Collection)
Brown's letter to Harriet Oviatt Randall, Dec. 1, 1859
(Chicago History Museum Collection)

Friday, July 13, 2018

Out of the Blue: "Emperor," A Shield's Green/John Brown Movie in Production Now!

Green (1859 sketch)

For sometime we have been aware of potential John Brown projects for both cinema and television, but this one has taken us by surprise.  It appears that Mark Amin’s Sobini Films has beaten every proposed or planned production to the punch.  According to Deadline Hollywood (June 20), “Emperor,” the story of black Harper’s Ferry raider Shields Green, is now in production.  Green was one of several black men who joined John Brown at Harper’s Ferry in 1859, and joined Brown despite the low-key discouragement of Frederick Douglass, the preeminent black leader of that era.  

Douglass loved Brown and (probably) grudgingly brought Green to meet him in August 1859, months before the Harper's Ferry raid, in a secret meeting in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Green had escaped slavery and made his way North, where he came under the sway of Frederick Douglass in Rochester, New York.  After Douglass learned (early in 1859) that Brown intended to seize the Harper's Ferry armory, his relationship with Brown became strained.  Despite their decade-plus of friendship, Douglass deliberately and repeatedly opposed Brown's plan to invade the federal armory and seems to have communicated his disdain to African American leaders and potential recruits.  )I tend to believe it was this interference and not sickness that kept Harriet Tubman from following through.)   Indeed, Douglass probably did more to discourage free blacks from joining Brown has been reported in standard biographies.  (Note, my point is not to judge Douglass, only to suggest what seems the most likely narrative based on the evidence.  One might very well conclude that Douglass was right in his instincts, even if he overrated the security Brown faced at the armory.)

In this light, Douglass was neither proactive nor neutral in bringing Green to meet Brown, but probably did so as a kind of obligatory gesture.  When Green chose to "go wid de ol' man," as Douglass later reported, the abolitionist leader was probably surprised and dismayed.   Green was a stalwart among Brown's men and clearly was quite brave and principled as an antislavery man in his own right.  It  was reportedly a fearful experience for him to return to the South (he had to be smuggled south), but in the end Green's bravery far exceeded his fears.  He not only supported Brown in the crisis, but he remained with him down to the last desperate moments of the raid, and afterward was hanged with Brown's other captive men in December 1859, following the old man's own execution.   

Green is portrayed in this film by Dayo Okeniyi. Other cast members are Naturi Naughton, Bruce Dern, Paul Scheer, Harry Lennix, Mykelti Williamson, and Ben Robson. Interestingly, Brown will be played by veteran and Oscar-nominated actor, James Cromwell.  Cromwell’s father, John Cromwell, directed the 1940 bio-pic, “Abe Lincoln in Illinois” and chose to portray Brown in that film’s brief Harper’s Ferry scene.  Like his father, James Cromwell is sympathetic to Brown, although he has stated his disagreement with Brown’s methods—by which, we suppose, he means the Pottawatomie killings of 1856.  This is not surprising, since even some of our own friends in the John Brown community have been sufficiently miseducated to the point of being apologetic and squeamish about those Kansas killings. 

The screenplay for "Emperor" was written by Mark Amin and Pat Charles, and the film is in pre-production in Georgia.  It is produced by Cami Winikoff and Mark Amin for Sobini Pictures, and also by veteran black filmmaker Reginald Hudlin.  Sobini’s Tyler Boehm will serve as executive producer.  I hope to obtain more information to share with the John Brown community.--LD